English is Not Our Mother Land: Linguistic Imperialism in Education Policy and its Impact on Girls in Sub-Saharan Africa

Abstract

Multilingual countries have options as to which language to use for instruction in schools. Frequently, those with colonial pasts will select the colonial language. This language has a powerful status from being linked to the Western world, the global economy, and presumably better educational quality. Yet this is not always the case. In many countries in the Global South, a colonial language of instruction diminishes education quality, students’ self-confidence and academic performance. This thesis explores the consequences of these policy choices. I analyzed the effects of language in education policy in ten Anglophone Sub- Saharan African countries on all students, using both qualitative and quantitative methods. I hypothesized that students with little exposure to the colonial language of instruction would have lower achievement and that the negative effects would be larger for girls. Supplementing my analyses are case studies analyzing the effects in detail in South Africa, Malawi, and Tanzania. Qualitative research came from existing literature, as well as from my own personal experience in an afterschool class in Khayelitsha, South Africa, and the Eastern Cape Province in South Africa. Quantitative research analyzed data from two large surveys: Southern and Eastern Africa Consortium for Monitoring Educational Quality III and Trends in Mathematics and Science Study 2015. Using multivariate regression analysis, I estimated the effects of rarely speaking the language of instruction outside the classroom for all students, and then separately for girls only. I looked at language of instruction effects on self-confidence, self- reported absenteeism and grade repetition, and students’ achievement in reading, math, and science. I found that rarely speaking the language of instruction outside of school lowered students’ achievements and attitudes in most countries. The effect was not significantly greater for girls across all ten countries, but the impact is not inconsequential, especially in terms of self-confidence. My case studies looked closely at South Africa, Malawi, and Tanzania, each for different reasons. In South Africa, in addition to the effect of rarely speaking English outside of the classroom on educational achievement and attainment, this affects those hurt by the education policy under apartheid, and today is a clear financial divide as to who can afford quality English instruction. Malawi has among the lowest achievement and gender disparity out of these ten countries, and has opted to begin using English as the language of instruction in Grade 1 as of 2014. Tanzania, aligning with African socialist philosophy, delays English language of instruction until secondary school, and opts to instruct in Kiswahili throughout primary. My conclusions suggest that the effect of language of instruction is complicated by regional contexts. These education policies ultimately emerge out of linguistic imperialism, and the well-intentioned attempt to improve these children’s access to global economic returns fails to result in English proficiency by the end of secondary school for those who even make it that far in their education. It diminishes the confidence for all, especially girls, and the achievement for all in the majority of these countries.