On Resumptive Pronouns in Slavic

Abstract

"On Resumptive Pronouns in Slavic" is a first step toward a generalized theory of pronouns that accounts for the behavior of both ordinary and resumptive pronouns. I adopt the definition of resumption proposed by Boeckx (2003) who analyzes resumptive pronouns as pronouns stranded by the movement of an NP sister. In contrast to Boeckx's theory, I argue that every definite pronoun enters the syntax as a D<super>0</super> sister to its NP or DP referent.

[DP her [DP the linguist ] ]

The central argument of the dissertation rests on this proposed universal pronominal structure, called the <italic>stacked DP</italic>, which consists of a maximal DP (DP<super>MAX</super>) containing a pronominal D<super>0</super> and an internal DP (DP<super>INT</super>). I suggest that the single parametric difference resulting in resumptive vs. non-resumptive type languages is the ability of the internal DP to raise independently of the pronoun. In other words, any language in which the DP<super>INT</super> is independently mobile (i.e. it can move without pied-piping the pronoun) will contain resumptive pronouns.

This analysis of the syntactic structure of pronouns extends to all instances of pronouns, including those that do not occur in a resumptive context. A natural question to follow from this is what becomes of the NP/DP sister of the pronoun in contexts not involving any resumption, as in the following sentence:

(i) I met her yesterday.

I propose that the NP/DP referent is frequently deleted by a PF operation, Pronominal Associate Deletion (PAD):

If D<super>0</super> is a personal pronoun and XP is a sister to D<super>0</super>, then XP is deleted.

If the XP referent raises during narrow syntax, the conditions for PAD will not be met at PF. As a result, both the XP and the pronoun will be pronounced.

In addition to this PF rule, I propose an LF condition to account for the interpretation of pronouns, the Pronominal Reference Condition (PRC):

In DP<super>MAX</super> whose D<super>0</super> is a pronoun, interpret D<super>0</super> as co-referential with the NP also dominated by DP<super>MAX</super>.

These two operations, in combination with the stacked DP internal structure of pronouns, provide the means to explain a wide array of phenomena relating to the occurrence of resumptive pronouns, including Macedonian clitic doubling, Hebrew interrogative <italic>wh</italic>-resumption, optional resumption in B/C/S and Slovak, and resumption in Slovene superlative clauses.